Creating 'Chinese' brands now 'part of the deal' for foreign automakers

Last December I wrote about a trend among Chinese-foreign automotive joint ventures in which the foreign partner gives technology to the JV to sell under a Chinese brand. Some of the English language China auto blogs refer to these as "sub-brands."

For example, Honda contributed the design of an outdated City vehicle it no longer makes to its JV with Guangzhou Auto. The JV now sells it under the Chinese brand Linian.

At the time I noticed this trend among several automakers (Guangzhou Honda, Dongfeng Nissan, Shanghai-GM), my assumption was that this was an attempt on the part of the Chinese automakers to wean Chinese consumers away from foreign brands. Chinese consumers still overwhelmingly prefer foreign brands (if they can afford them), because they perceive them to have higher quality.

Now several other foreign automakers including Volkswagen and PSA Peugeot-Citroen are discussing similar arrangements with their Chinese partners. PSA Peugeot-Citroen's CEO told the Financial Times that helping their partner to develop a local brand is now "part of the deal".

Last December I speculated that this may have been under central government coordination, but I had no evidence of that. Today, evidence seems to have surfaced in this report from the Financial Times.

The story quotes Mike Dunne, formerly of JD Power in China, who now has his own consulting company:

Nothing is written down, but when automakers go to apply for capacity expansion, in their application it’s clear that they should have a plan for an indigenous brand with jointly owned product rights and some provision for new energy vehicles. Foreigners want more capacity; China is saying: ‘We want more own brands’.

Back in 2001, when China joined the WTO, they gave up the right to demand technology transfer as a condition for approval of foreign investment. Of course, this new rule did nothing to change China's appetite for foreign technology.

The new demand, rather than for "technology transfer", appears to be: if you want to expand capacity, then X% needs to be devoted to Chinese-branded cars.

The foreign automakers now have a choice. They can pour precious R&D money into joint development of cars that compete directly with their own, or they can just hand over technology they already have.

The technology the foreigners are now handing over may be slightly outdated, so the foreigners aren't being forced to hand over their latest and greatest innovations. But again, it seems to me that these foreign-designed, Chinese-branded cars that the central government is now forcing the JVs to sell will fill the perceived quality gap between Chinese- and foreign-branded cars.

China's central government fully intends that its largest state-owned automakers will be global contenders, and they are patiently finding ways to make that happen. The WTO will not stand in the way. Wherever there's a rule, there's a way around it.

How fragmented is China's auto industry?

For anyone wondering where I've been for the past several months, I've been right here at my desk. But instead of posting to this blog, I've been in a push to complete a full first draft of my dissertation by the end of March -- which is beginning to look like a real possibility.

For now, here's a quick post of some numbers I've been looking at for the past few days on market shares in China's auto industry.

Probably the most consistent component of China's auto policy since the mid-80s has been the insistence of the central government on consolidation in the industry. Just looking at the raw numbers, I think most people would agree that this demand has been completely justified.

In 1978, the year that Deng Xiaoping launched the first experimental market reforms in China, there were 55 auto assemblers. The number peaked at 124 in the mid-90s, and by 2008 (the latest numbers available) there were still 117 -- clearly, way too many.

But just how fragmented is China's auto industry? Here is a quick comparison with the US.

This chart compares cumulative 2010 market shares for the top five auto companies in the US and China.








If China were to take the US as its example, then it would seem to have already achieved a fair amount of consolidation. China’s largest auto group has a slightly larger share of its market than does the largest automaker in the U.S., and the top five in both markets are practically even.

Of course, we already know that the US market is somewhat less concentrated than it used to be. In 1980, for example, the Detroit Three held 76 percent of the US market. But I think few people would argue that less concentration in the US market has not been good for consumers.

So while it would appear that China is starting to see some solid growth out of the players at the top of its auto industry, the problem lies with all of those tiny companies at the bottom that, for some reason, refuse to go away.

Who are these small players? Quite a few are small, locally-owned automakers that lack any kind of scale to be profitable. In any given year, they probably break even on a cash flow basis, which means that the local government is absorbing their cost of capital. If exposed to true market competition, these small firms would quickly disappear.

So why haven't they? Local governments don't want them to. They employ anywhere from a few dozen to maybe even a few hundred local people, and local governments are not inclined to create any more of an unemployment problem than they have to.

Of course, the central government, through the NDRC or MIIT, could force these local enterprises to close, but why would they? The central government is no more interested in putting people out of work than are the local governments.

So if we simply accept that some of these small players are part of a welfare system that keeps people gainfully employed, then China's leaders should at least be satisfied that, at the top of its auto industry, it appears to have the makings of an increasingly strong and competitive industry. Right?

I don't think so, and this next chart reveals why.

Here we have the top five companies in both the US and China along with their respective market shares.









What I notice about this chart is that each of the companies on the US side also corresponds with a brand, but each of the companies on the Chinese side is just a big old state-owned enterprise that assembles cars for foreign companies.

SAIC makes most of its money selling VW and GM cars. Dongfeng sells Nissan and Citroen. FAW sells Toyota and VW. Chang'an sells Ford, Mazda and Suzuki. BAIC sells Hyundai and Mercedes.

Yes, each of these companies also sells some cars under its own brand, but the numbers are comparatively small. Overall, only 30.9 percent of sedans sold in China in 2010 were of local brands -- up only slightly from 30 percent in 2009.

And therein lies the problem. China's central government wants its biggest SOEs to get bigger so that they can compete with the foreign multinationals. For now, they would just like to dominate in their own market, but eventually, they want to compete in overseas markets as well.

The problem is that, while these SOEs are indeed developing their own brands, it's just so easy to sit back and rake in profits while the foreigners contribute all of the intellectual property.

Designing your own stuff is hard.

A little more clarity on Geely (a little less on Volvo?)

More arcane corporate governance stuff...

In my previous post, I noted that Geely's 2008 and 2009 annual reports mentioned an unnamed "associate" of Li Shufu as co-owners of the entity that has ultimate control over the sprawling Geely empire.

In the interest of ensuring my readers (all three of you) have the most up-to-date information that I have, and in the interest of the pursuit of truth and transparency, I think a new post is in order.

Fortunately for the English speaking world, Geely is listed in Hong Kong, which means that, not only is the company required to report significant events to its shareholders, but it is also required to do so in English. (Call me lazy, but plowing through a 150-page annual report in Chinese is not my idea of fun--not to mention the fact that mainland reporting standards still don't measure up to those in HK.)

Here is what I have learned today. I can now say for certain that Li Shufu has complete (legal) control over the Geely listed company. This document (pdf) that I found on the HKSE website just happens to mention that Li Shufu owns 90 percent of Zhejiang Geely Holding Group, Ltd. (ZGHGL), which means the "associate" (in the yellow box) can own no more than 10 percent. (See abbreviated corporate structure below.)

What the document also spells out is exactly which entity now owns Volvo. As you can see in the structure below, I have added a couple of boxes at the bottom left side. The green box is "controlled" by ZGHGL (which we now know is 90% owned by Li Shufu). The orange box is Volvo, which is clearly owned and controlled, not by the listed Geely Auto Holdings (the purple box), but by Li Shufu's unlisted ZGHGL.

That explains why Li Shufu has been quoted as saying, "Volvo is Volvo, and Geely is Geely", meaning that these two companies are entirely separate entities. The only thing they have in common is control by Li Shufu.

This means a couple of things.

First, Li Shufu almost certainly had to rely on bank loans in order to pull off the Volvo purchase. Since the cash on the HK-listed Geely Auto Holdings' balance sheet belongs, not only to Li Shufu, but also to the company's public shareholders, Li Shufu could not have used Geely's cash to fund even part the Volvo purchase. Whatever cash was put into the deal would have had to come from any of the entities on the Li Shufu side of the chart. (Yes, it's possible Li could have borrowed money from Geely for the Volvo purchase.)

And while it's possible those entities have other business operations of which we aren't aware, the likelihood that these apparent shell companies were sitting on the necessary cash to fund the deal is pretty slim. Of $1.3billion in cash given to Ford in the Volvo purchase (Ford also got a note for $200 million), about $588 million came from Daqing and Jiading local governments, the remaining $712 million would have had to come from Li Shufu-related entities. At least part of that must have come from loans. (Early indications were that several major state-owned banks were lining up to help with the Volvo purchase, but this has not been verified since the purchase took place last August.)

Second, because Volvo is now 100 percent owned by an unlisted entity, we will no longer have full transparency into the company's operations.

*UPDATED* - Who is Li Shufu's "Associate"?

UPDATE below...
_______________________

From the corporate governance files...

Geely is probably best known as the Chinese auto company that bought Volvo from Ford last year. It is also known as China's largest "private" automaker. I put the term "private" in quotation marks because, in China, the meaning of the word is not quite the same as in most developed countries.

As is generally well-known among China watchers, the government -- particularly local governments -- have influence on private businesses that goes beyond mere regulation. And the larger the "private" business, the greater the government's influence.

At a minimum, the local state is everyone's landlord. At the extreme, a local government can force private businesses to sell out to state owned businesses, as has been done with alarming frequency in the coal industry, or local officials can demand an ownership share.

On the positive side, not all governments necessarily seek to own or control private businesses, and many even provide help to private businesses in startup mode such as tax breaks, free or cheap land and utilities, access to bank loans, etc.

But the question that this kind of help often raises is, what does the government expect in return? Is it enough to be a successful business that employs people and pays its taxes on time, or do local officials expect more?

Because we always hear that Geely is a "private" business, I decided to try to find out exactly how "private" Geely is -- at least in terms of legal ownership. Geely is listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, so its audited financial statements and accompanying notes are made available on the HKSE website. Geely's latest annual report (2009) is available here (pdf).

In an effort to determine who exactly owns Geely, I constructed the following partial org chart from information available in the annual report. The listed company is in the purple box. About 48 percent of the Geely Auto Holdings is held by public shareholders, and the remaining majority of shares are owned by a company named Proper Glory Holdings which is incorporated in the British Virgin Islands.

According to the annual report, Proper Glory is ultimately controlled by Geely's Chairman "Mr. Li Shufu and his associate," but for some reason it does not say who this "associate" is. (Here I am referring to the yellow box at the top of the diagram.)

Looking back over the years, this "associate" did not begin to be mentioned as an owner until 2008, but he, she or it seems to be pretty important. If you do the math, this anonymous "associate" could potentially control up to 35 percent of the listed company. And if "associate" owns as little as 75 percent of Zhejiang Geely Holding Group Ltd, he, she or it would be the listed company's largest single shareholder with a 26 percent interest.

Furthermore, as you can see at the bottom of the org chart, Li Shufu and this mysterious "associate" also own 9% of the auto plants.



I contacted several friends who are even more knowledgeable than I about China's auto industry, and their assumption, like mine, is that Li Shufu controls the company. One suggested, however, that the "associate" may be Li's son or brother. Another speculated that it could even be a Communist Party member to whom Li is beholden for something.

I am not suggesting that there is anything illegal going on here, but it seems to me that Geely's auditor, the Hong Kong office of Grant Thornton (which has recently lost most of its employees to BDO) is not doing a thorough enough job of reporting by allowing a shareholder with the potential to control the company to remain completely anonymous.

If there is nothing to hide, why not reveal the name of the "associate"? At a minimum, why not reveal the respective ownership shares that Li Shufu and "associate" have in Zhejiang Geely Holding Group Ltd?

______________
UPDATE, January 28, 2011:

Thanks to one of my readers for bringing this to my attention.

Above I said that Li Shufu's unnamed "associate" could control the listed Geely company with 75% ownership of Zhejiang Geely Holding Group Ltd. (ZGHGL). That's not entirely accurate. I was thinking more like an accountant than a lawyer. (And I am neither, though my work previously involved a lot of accounting).

I should have more accurately said that the "associate" could control Geely with only a majority ownership of ZGHGL. If the associate held 50% plus one share of ZGHGL, then he would effectively control Proper Glory, which, because it owns 51.3%, also controls the listed Geely Company.

Again, while my assumption is that Li Shufu is the controlling owner of Geely, until someone reveals how much of ZGHGL the associate owns, we cannot be entirely sure of that.

Subsequent to the above post, I have also received information from someone who knows the identity of the associate. This "associate" is apparently an influential Party member who helped Geely to get central government approval for the Volvo purchase. Unfortunately, I cannot reveal the source, but it is someone whom I trust, and who is in a position to know.

If that is indeed true, then, if I were a Geely shareholder, I would be even more interested to know how much influence and/or control the "associate" actually has.

First Auto became "Third Auto" in 2010

Ever since the Chinese Association of Automobile Manufacturers (CAAM) realized people who really need data would be willing to pay for it (graduate students excepted), getting one's hands on sales data has become a bit of a challenge. Whereas in years past one could wait until a few days after the close of the year to get a complete list of China's vehicle sales by manufacturer, now we have to troll Chinese language news releases that dribble out during January.

An interesting phenomenon I have begun to notice is that, the longer it takes an automaker to release publicly its sales numbers, the greater the likelihood that those numbers aren't very good. A case in point is First Auto Works (FAW), a central state-owned enterprise with a long and storied history as the PRC's first automobile factory, and maker of the iconic Red Flag Limousine used to ferry Party Leaders shouting "同志们好!" (hello, comrades!) in parades.

Even though two of China's largest automakers, Shanghai Auto (SAIC) and Dongfeng, released their 2010 numbers in the first week of January, FAW's numbers did not come out until today, January 18. And while FAW's numbers, by themselves would be the envy of any automaker, they weren't as good as Dongfeng's.

For the longest time, FAW could hold its head high as, not only the first automaker, but also the largest. In the chart below, FAW still held the number one position as recently as 2005, but dropped to second behind Shanghai Auto in 2006. In 2010, FAW dropped to third behind Dongfeng, which, until about 20 years ago, was appropriately named Second Auto Works (SAW).

Vehicle Sales 2005-2010 (thousands of vehicles)

I look forward to conducting more analysis on these numbers as the laggards finally begin to report in. (I'm looking at you, Guangzhou Auto and Brilliance.)

The missing link in China's auto development?

An interesting article in today’s WSJ by ace China auto reporter Nori Shirouzu summarizes an interesting trend in China’s auto development. China’s state-owned automakers, along with their foreign joint-venture partners, are beginning to develop China-only brands.

Battleground in the small car segment

At least part of the impetus behind this trend, I believe, is the popularity of small economy cars in China. Beginning in early 2009, when China halved the sales tax on cars with engines 1.6 liters or smaller, sales of these small cars have really blossomed. (The number of cars sold in the less than 1.6 liter category rose by 71 percent over 2008 while sales of larger cars rose by only 23 percent.) The tax on smaller cars was increased slightly at the beginning of 2010, but small cars have nevertheless remained hot sellers in China.

The good news for makers of Chinese-branded autos was that the foreigners had almost nothing to offer in the less than 1.6 liter space, so Chinese brands dominated. The bad news for Beijing, however, was that the SOEs also had very little to offer in this space. It was the private automakers (along with independent SOEs such as Chery) that benefited most.

New Strategy: Joint development

Enter this new strategy of jointly-developed, Chinese-branded cars that, nearly as I can tell, is a win-win for the big SOEs and their foreign partners – at least in the short-run.

This strategy appears to have two variations. One is for the Chinese and foreign partner to develop a car together, combining the intellectual property of both sides. SAIC-GM-Wuling have taken this route with the Baojun (pictured below). According to the authoritative China Car Times, “The platform was designed in Korea, whilst the body design was done in China with GM’s help, the brand was developed in China and also the engine was developed by [Shanghai Auto] in the UK technical center.”

The SAIC-GM-Wuling Baojun

Shirouzu’s article today reveals that Volkswagen and PSA Peugeot Citroen are considering a similar strategy.

The other variation is simply to re-badge an older model from the foreign partner. Honda and Nissan are doing this with their respective partners in China, Guangzhou Auto and Dongfeng Auto. Guangzhou-Honda is a new Linian model which is a re-badged Honda City from a few years back, and Dongfeng Nissan are building the Qichen from old Nissan technology.

What's driving this trend?

There are a couple of factors at work behind this trend. First, although China’s central government has been pushing hard for development of Chinese brands since China joined the WTO, only China’s independent automakers (both private and local SOEs without JV partners) have made significant headway in introducing Chinese brands. Yes, the big SOEs have also introduced their own brands, but they have been “developed” mostly through purchased technology. That is, the big SOEs have yet to demonstrate any real engineering prowess.

Second, there is a big gap between the foreign-branded, mid-sized cars sold in China and the small, Chinese-branded cars. It’s a gap in terms of both price and quality, and Chinese consumers understand this very well. This is why, despite the growth of Chinese brands (they now make up over 30 percent of passenger cars sold in China), Chinese consumers would still prefer a foreign brand if they can afford it.

The Missing Link

These new, jointly-developed, Chinese-branded cars are, I believe, the missing link between foreign- and Chinese-branded cars. And the fact that this kind of development is happening in almost all of China’s big SOEs at the same time tells me there is some kind of central coordination going on – either that, or it’s just a big coincidence. Regardless, I think the strategy here is to provide Chinese consumers with a new product intended to wean them away from foreign cars and make them more accepting of Chinese brands.

And, if I am right, this should call into question the future role of foreign automakers in China’s market.

Another interesting wrinkle to this story is of whether Chinese automakers are learning any better how to design their own cars.

What some of these SOEs are doing is simply buying (or being given) old designs by their foreign partners, and then slapping on a Chinese badge. On the other hand, China’s private automakers have essentially been doing that for years ... only, they don’t have foreign partners ... and, um, they don’t pay for the stuff they copy. But in the process, the private automakers have probably gotten better at auto design. Even the process of copying must have imparted to the private firms some useful engineering skills that the SOEs have yet really to develop.

Perhaps this new method of (legally) copying what their foreign partners have already done will impart to SOE engineers some of those same skills.

Umm...What's my motivation here?

Some people were "stunned" this week when the results of the latest OECD-administered exam comparing the performances of students across countries showed Shanghai's students to be the smartest in the world. This isn't something I would normally cover in this blog, but I would like to offer a slightly different perspective on these exam results.

First, I was not at all stunned that the Chinese came out on top. This is a country that teaches math as if their children's lives depend upon it. As I've stated before on this blog "the average Chinese middle schooler can plot the trajectory of a non-guided missile." The only Americans who can do that are the handful who, for reasons that their friends can hardly fathom, opt to take a physics elective in 12th grade.

Fortunately, a few people did rush to put these results in perspective. Some Chinese experts acknowledged that, while their children are indeed pretty good at math and at taking exams, where they fall far short of their American counterparts is in creativity. (See articles here in ChinaDaily, and an editorial in WSJ by the Deputy Principal of Beijing University High School.) And James Fallows, in the Atlantic, quotes an educator who questions the representative nature of the exam given.

While I saw a lot of chatter about this news item on twitter this week, and read a few blog posts, I have yet to see anyone bring up the thought that originally came to my mind when these results were released. (Perhaps I missed it since I've been doing a lot more writing than reading recently.)

The point I would like to add is that I think various groups of students taking this exam most certainly had different levels of motivation.

Do any Americans remember the PSAT that we had to take in our 10th or 11th grade years? I would be surprised if many did. Does anyone remember the SAT or the ACT? Whether you got into college or not, you almost certainly do.

The only difference between these two exams was that one (the SAT or ACT) mattered, but the PSAT did not. I remember thinking about the PSAT: this has absolutely no bearing on my future, so I'm not going to sweat it. I may have even started to make patterns on the answer sheet as I colored in the dots.

My guess is that the American students who took this OECD exam approached it in pretty much the same way. Unless they could see how it would benefit them personally, they had no stake in the outcome.

As for the Chinese students who took the OECD exam, I have no way to prove this, but I am fairly certain that it was presented to them as something they must do for the honor of the Motherland.

This kind of pressure, combined with the fact that the Chinese system is already geared toward producing outstanding performance on standardized tests, was far more likely ensure a higher proportion of the students were motivated to perform well -- that, and the fact that the average Chinese student can do circles around the average American student in math.